The Irish Times published two editorials on the Rising covering the period of fighting.

The Insurrection

April 28th and 29th and May 1st, 1916

The "Sinn Féin" Insurrection, which began on Easter Monday in Dublin, is virtually at an end. Desultory fighting continues in suburban districts. The severity of martial law is maintained; indeed, it is increased in the new Proclamation which we print to-day. Many streets and roads are still dangerous for the careless wayfarer. But the back of the insurrection is broken. Strong military forces skilfully directed by a strong hand, have decided the issue sooner than most of us had dared to hope. The cordon of troops which was flung round the city narrowed its relentless circle until further resistance became impossible. On Saturday, P.H. Pearse, one of the seven ring-leaders, surrendered unconditionally with the main body of the rebels. Yesterday other bodies came in dejectedly under the white flag. Of the buildings which were seized a week ago not one remains in rebel hands. The General Post Office, save for its noble portico, is a ruin. The premises of the Royal College of Surgeons and Messrs Jacobs factory were evacuated yesterday. St Stephen's green was cleared on Thursday. Liberty Hall is no more than a sinister and hateful memory. It is believed that most of the ring-leaders are dead or captured. The outlaws who still "snipe" from roofs may give a little more trouble, but their fate is certain. So ends the criminal adventure of the men who declared that they were "striking in full confidence of victory," and told their dupes that they would be "supported by gallant allies in Europe." The gallant ally's only gift to them was an Irish renegade whom it wanted to lose. Ireland has been saved from shame and ruin, and the whole Empire from a serious danger. Where our politicians failed - and worse than failed - the British Army has filled the breach and won the day. The Dublin Insurrection of 1916 will pass into history with the equally unsuccessful insurrections of the past. It will have only this distinction - that it was more daringly and systematically planned; and more recklessly invoked, than any of its predecessors.

The story of last week in Dublin is a record of crime, horror, and destruction, shot with many gleams of the highest valour and devotion. We do not deny a certain desperate courage to many of the wretched men who to-day are in their graves or awaiting the sentence of their country's laws. The real valour, however, and the real sacrifices were offered on the altar of Ireland's safety, and honour. The first tribute must be paid to the gallant soldiers who were poured into Dublin, including at least two battalions of famous Irish regiments. No courage could be finer than that of the young soldiers who, exhausted by a long voyage, and almost unrefreshed by sleep or food, were hurried straight into the hellish street-fighting of the last few days. Our veteran troops in France have seldom had to face a more fiery ordeal, and could hardly have done better than these lads fresh from the training camps. Again we testify to what we have seen when we praise the splendid devotion, not only of our Dublin doctors and nurses, but of the many civilians, men and women, who moved among the soldiers, bringing them food and drink in the hottest of the fray. The temper of the city as a whole has been admirable - cool and calm, without a moment's yielding to panic, but the cost of success has been terrible. Innocent civilians have been murdered in cold blood. The casualties among the troops have been heavy. The hospitals to-day report in all 152 dead, of whom 49 are soldiers. The destruction of property has been wanton and enormous. Between O'Connell Bridge and Nelson's Pillar a whole district of buildings, including the General Post Office, the Royal Hibernian Academy, and several of the most important business establishments in the city has vanished in flame. The loss is cruel and much of it is irreparable. Its chief burden will be felt, as such burdens are always chiefly felt, by the very poor. Many years must elapse before Dublin is herself again. This insurrection will leave behind it a long trail of sorrow, poverty and shame.

In the House of Commons last week Sir Edward Carson and Mr Redmond were at one in their desire that, so as long as the country remains in its present urgent danger, nobody should try to make political capital of the old, narrow kind out of these tragic events in Dublin. Until the danger is definitely at an end and we shall only say - and we are expressing the opinion of the whole world - that this outbreak, and all its deplorable consequences could have been averted. For the last year all Irishmen have known that the danger existed, and that it was coming surely and steadily to a head. Urgent and repeated warnings were given to the Government. They were neglected. The men who neglected them have accepted one of the gravest responsibilities in history. They will be called to account at the bar of public opinion and, when that time comes - and it must come soon - they will have to make their defence against a vast accumulation of damning evidence.

At the moment, however, it is more important to avoid possible mistakes than to call the inevitable to judgment. The crime has been committed; the explosion has occurred; and we have gained at least one advantage. We know now, beyond yea or nay, the extent, the power, the motives, and the methods of the seditious movement in Ireland. All the elements of disaffection have shown their hand. The State has struck, but its work is not yet finished. The surgeon's knife has been put to the corruption in the body of Ireland, and its course must not be stayed until the whole malignant growth has been removed. In the verdict of history weakness to-day would be even more criminal than the indifference of the last few months. Sedition must be rooted out of Ireland once for all. The rapine and bloodshed of the past week must be finished with a severity which will make any repetition of them impossible for generations to come. The loyal people of Ireland, Unionists and Nationalists call to-day with an imperious voice for the strength and firmness which have so long been strangers to the conduct of Irish affairs.